Banner: J. S. Movie Entertainment
Cast: Meera,Abhishek Kumar, Shahwar Ali, Rashid Khan, Kavita Radheshyam, Ranjeet, Nassar Abdulla
Direction: Faisal Saif
Production: Dr. Jogindder Singh Padam
Music: Leonard Victor, Tony Kakkar, Rustam Fateh Ali Khan
Download Hindi Mp3 Songs: 5 Ghantey Mien 5 Crore (2011)
When was the last time you had to reinstall your operating system?
Some people have noticed fewer rebuilds in Windows 7 then they had to
perform with earlier versions of Windows.
It seems that the more recent the operating system, the less you have
to reinstall it. The improvements in the OS help to prevent programs,
and also users, from adversely affecting the PC’s performance. Still,
entropy creeps in and the occasional OS repair is just a part of life
for many of us.
This article shines a light on what hopefully is a very rarely used feature of Windows 8 - the Advanced Startup Options.
Earlier Windows versions had fewer startup options: There was Safe
Mode and VGA mode, and you could enable boot logging or debugging mode.
There was also the Last Known Good Configuration. Safe
Mode is still a great idea - load up only the most basic set of
hardware drivers. Since so many software problems can be traced back to a
faulty or incompatible hardware driver, the ability to turn them all
off is still a hugely valuable troubleshooting technique.
Debugging Mode is beyond what most users do to repair their system.
It’s great for engineers, but requires too much training to be used by
regular PC users.
Using the Last Known Good Configuration was a great idea, too. The
concept was simple - if the settings make it all the way to the end of
the session, they must have worked. Save them and call them “Last Known
Good”. It was a step in the right direction.
By Windows 7, the Advanced Startup was getting really good
The
Advanced Boot Options for Vista and Windows 7 was even better. You
could change your PC to no longer reboot automatically after a system
crash right from the startup options.
And in addition to the original options, you could now run Memory
Diagnostics, System Restore, and even automatically repair many common
problems from the advanced startup options.
Windows 8 Advanced Startup Options are the best they’ve ever been
It all starts with a start. And when your computer isn’t running
right, you’ll really appreciate just how advanced the new advanced
startup options are for Windows 8.
Refresh and Reset go beyond System Restore to either a nearly clean slate, or a completely clean slate
Refresh and Reset are the first two options. They are brand new, and
they have gotten quite a lot of attention the newest features in the
advanced startup menu.
Refresh is a heavy duty cleaning of your computer - but leaves your
personal data intact. It also removes programs in the classic desktop
mode. However, you keep the Metro programs that you installed from
Windows Store.
Personalization settings (desktop background, screen resolution,
picture password) are kept. PC Settings (network settings, hardware
drivers, windows features) are removed or set to defaults.
Reset is the equivalent of doing a factory reset. It brings your
computer back to the way it was when you got it, or at least when it was
new. All programs have to be reinstalled, and your personal data is
gone, too. You’ll need to backup any data that you’ll want to keep
before doing this and Windows 8 gives you very clear warnings about
what’s about to happen to your data if you proceed.
In fact, you’re actually given two options when you’re doing a Reset.
You can either remove the files, or you can remove the files and “scrub
the hard drive”, making it more difficult for somebody to recover the
deleted files. If you’re planning on reinstalling programs and
continuing to use the computer, choose the fast method. If you’re
selling or giving away your computer to charity, then choose to fully clean the drive.
Even more advanced options in Windows 8 Advanced Startup
Besides Refresh and Reset, there are other advanced options available in the Windows 8 Advanced Startup Options.
System Restore puts the PC settings back to the way they were at the last Restore Point
Restore Points are taken by the system before installing security and
software updates. So after having your PC in operation for a while,
you’ll have plenty of System Restore Points. This puts the settings back
to the way they were, but it does not change any of your personal data.
Personal data (pictures, documents, music, and videos, for example) are
neither backed up nor restored during a system restore.
System Image Recovery is a full restore from a backed-up System Image File
If you want a more customized restore option - one that can restore
your operating system as well as installed programs, then a System Image
Recovery is the ideal way to go. However, you’ll need an image to be
used for the restore. This is usually done by organizations to deploy
PC’s with all of their standard software installed. Most home or home
office users will choose to do a Refresh or a Reset to handle their
reimaging.
Automatic Repair Fixes a lot of problems for you
There are many issues that can keep your computer from starting up
correctly - a misconfigured setting, or a hard drive that has a file
error on it. This startup option scans for hundreds of files and
settings, and if it finds a problem with one of them, it takes
corrective action. No further input required. This is a big improvement
over restoring the Last Known Good Configuration, and it’s much more
helpful.
Command Prompt when you just need to have a little access
Sometimes all you need to do to fix a problem is to get to the
command line. From there, you can run commands like NBTSTAT and IPCONFIG
to help troubleshoot and repair the system.
Startup Settings includes all of the original Advanced Repair Options like Safe Mode
Engineers still need debugging mode, and sometimes reimaging,
refreshing, or resetting is not the right fix. Safe Mode, Debugging Mode
and Low Resolution Mode are still available from the “Startup Settings”
section of the Advanced Startup Options menu.
Bottom line
While they usually go unnoticed, the advanced startup options are
always available to you. And though we can forget that they’re there
until we need them, when we do need them they become very important.
The Advanced Startup Options in Windows 8 keeps all of the old
favorites like Safe Mode and Debugging Mode, and adds in several new
features that give some great options for fixing your PC yourself
without having to take it in for costly repairs at a service center or
calling the corporate help desk.
To paraphrase the traditional
Passover formulation honored in Jewish homes: why was this election
different from all other elections? What makes 2012 stand out in recent
political history, either as a temporary anomaly or a significant,
long-term shift in the electorate?
In this Oct. 3 file photo combo, Republican presidential nominee
Mitt Romney and President Barack Obama speak during their first
presidential debate at the University of Denver. (David Goldman; Eric
Gay / AP Photo)
The
most striking change in the results this year involved a precipitous
and alarming decline in voter participation, a drop-off that stemmed
from a deliberate strategy by the Obama campaign and almost certainly
provided the president with his margin of victory. Meanwhile, much of
the conventional wisdom about the results has been fatuous and
unsubstantiated, ignoring the troubling reality of disillusioned voters.
For
instance, there’s no basis for the common claim Obama won through a
superb, unprecedented, supremely effective get-out-the-vote effort by
the Democrats. Even downcast Republicans have hailed the opposition’s
turnout operation as magnificent, but they fail to note that it resulted
in far fewer voters showing up for President Obama.
The
president drew 7.6 million fewer votes than he did in the
hope-and-change election of 2008. His vote total, 61,911,000, is far
closer to the numbers in Sen. John Kerry’s losing bid in 2004
than to his own triumphant support four years ago. Even the reviled
President George W. Bush earned more raw votes, from a much smaller
potential electorate, in his own reelection bid than Obama did in his.
It’s
also not true that a powerful surge of new black and Latino support
powered the president to victory. Exit polls showed that Obama got a
slightly smaller percentage of the black vote than last time and that
turnout was sharply down, delivering at least 1.5 million fewer African-American ballots for the Democrats. A slightly enlarged Latino electorate and an increase in the president’s percentage of Hispanic voters,
to 71 percent from 67 percent, did provide him an additional 700,000
votes, but the falloff in black support still meant that overall
“minority votes” for Obama went down, not up.
As
to the claim that Obama pulled out a win in this highly competitive
election cycle by building up his backing among working-class whites in
Ohio, Wisconsin, and other key battlegrounds, the evidence shows the
president losing, not gaining, ground with this badly battered segment
of the population. Among white voters overall—still 72 percent of total
ballots, down from 74 percent in 2008—Obama lost to Mitt Romney in a
devastating landslide, 59 percent to 39 percent. Four years ago, he also
lost the white vote, but by a far more modest margin of 12 percentage
points rather than the 20-point blowout this year. Compared to his
Election Day performance in 2008, Obama lost more than 7 million white
votes.
How,
then, did the president manage to prevail over a confident,
well-funded, united opposition at a time of economic anxiety and 7.9
percent unemployment?
He
and his supporters succeeded in discouraging and disillusioning the
Republican and independent voters Romney needed for victory. In
post-election comments, GOP strategist Karl Rove argued that the Obama
campaign succeeded by deliberately “suppressing the vote,” a response to
Democratic accusations of Republican “voter suppression” schemes.
Although most opinion leaders dismissed Rove’s observation as the sour
grapes whining of a notably sore loser, it’s impossible to argue with
his numbers: Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan drew 1.3 million fewer votes than
the allegedly hapless ticket of John McCain and Sarah Palin.
Given
the undeniable fact that some significant number of voters who backed
Obama last time switched their support to Romney in 2012, helping to
produce the president’s 7.6 million decline in support, several million
Americans who cast ballots for McCain-Palin four years ago must have
chosen to stay home for this election.
The Democratic investment in negativity may have helped Obama win
his bare majority of a radically shrunken electorate, but it also
contributed powerfully to the sour national mood.
The
numbers generally produce puzzled and disbelieving reactions from GOP
strategists and activists. Throughout the campaign, the same pollsters
who accurately called the final state-by-state results also reported on a
consistent enthusiasm edge for Republicans. By a significant margin,
GOP voters described themselves as more excited and more energized by
the prospect of voting than their Democratic counterparts. That
advantage led nearly all of the most prestigious conservative pundits to
defy pollsters who predicted a narrow Obama victory and to argue that a
more motivated and enthusiastic Republican base would turn out in big
numbers and carry the day on Nov. 6.
After
all, Romney became a far more unifying candidate than McCain, with
leaders in every faction of the party—including Ron Paul’s son, Sen.
Rand Paul—campaigning for him across the country. Moreover, Ryan
inspired the party’s conservative core much as Palin did, but without
generating questions from the press or public about his seriousness on
the issues or his preparation for national leadership.
In
the end, the enthusiasm edge may have helped drive right-wing true
believers to the polls in disproportionate numbers, and self-described
conservatives outnumbered acknowledged liberals by 35 percent to 25
percent, according to exit polls. But this advantage couldn’t compensate
for the no-show status of Republican-leaning independents, who
contributed to the overall shrinkage of the electorate. Curtis Gans,
director of American University’s Center for the Study of the American
Electorate, noted that figures from every state but Iowa showed a
smaller turnout than in 2008. “This was a major plunge in turnout
nationally,” he declared, predicting a total number of ballots similar
to the Bush-Kerry race of 2004, despite a rise in 20 million in the
voting-age population.
For
the Romney team, this falloff in participation represents a special
frustration, given the vastly increased monetary investment in their
campaign compared with the McCain effort, which could be the last ever
general-election campaign to accept federal funds, along with their
accompanying financial restrictions.
With
the unprecedented levels of spending by both sides in this election
cycle, totaling more than $6 billion for all races at all levels, how
could it be that far fewer voters cast ballots?
The
sad reality is the lavishly funded ad campaigns worked as intended. A
report from the Wesleyan Media Project suggests that an astonishing 86
percent of all campaign commercials by the Obama campaign and allied
groups featured negative messages about Romney. These attack ads aren’t
supposed to inspire your people to go to the polls; they’re meant to
dissuade the other guy’s supporters from going to the polls. The purpose
of negative advertising is to discourage, not encourage, voting.
The
advertising avalanche by the Democrats highlighted Romney’s wealth,
offshore bank accounts, job-exporting background at Bain Capital,
expensive Olympics horse, bad singing voice, mistreatment of his dog,
unpublished tax returns, murder-by-cancer of a steelworker’s wife, and
general heartlessness and cluelessness. The Obama team knew full well
that such messages would never persuade committed partisans to switch
support from the Republicans to the Democrats and could even alienate a
few of their own backers, particularly women, with their overall
nastiness. But if the ugly tone of the campaign kept right-leaning
independents or even undecided voters away from the polls then it would
be worth it, shrinking the field of potential recruits Romney needed to
close the gap and win the election.
In
short, the impact of such an unpleasant campaign almost always will
prove more damaging to a challenger trying to attract new votes than to
an incumbent who needs only to hold on to the bulk of his old base. In
this election, the lower overall turnout clearly helped Obama. The
president got a smaller share of the vote in 48 of 50 states, everywhere
except Hawaii and Mississippi, but he retained enough support in the
diminished electorate to hang on to the White House. Lacking any
confidence that they could reinspire cynical, disillusioned citizens
about the glories of hope and change or the president’s heroic
first-term achievements, the Obama high command settled for producing a
general distaste for both candidates and even for the political process
itself.
I
visited Ohio the week before the election for a Cleveland town-hall
meeting to generate enthusiasm for the Romney-Ryan ticket. The universal
complaint from people on the ground in that crucial and
advertising-saturated swing state involved thoroughgoing disgust, even
rage, at the way nasty attack ads had taken over all the networks and
cable outlets. The negativity couldn’t discourage the conservative
activists who came out by the thousands to participate in our event, but
it’s easy to see how the nasty tone might lead others to turn off the
tube altogether and to tune out a political season that had turned
unspeakably petty and bitter.
This
Democratic investment in negativity may have helped Obama win his bare
majority of a radically shrunken electorate, but it also contributed
powerfully to the sour national mood and to the widespread perception
that the neither of two flawed candidates offered the nation an
optimistic path forward. Worst of all, the apparent success of this
strategy makes it increasingly likely that future campaigns will follow
the Obama example and pursue victory by alarming and discouraging,
rather than inspiring and motivating, the already gloomy populace of a
preternaturally pessimistic nation.
With pundits already prognosticating over potential candidates in 2016,
when both parties will face wide-open nomination fights, it’s not too
early to suggest a radical approach that could help one of these
contenders stand out. If a major candidate committed from the beginning
of his or her campaign to forgo attack ads in both the primary process
and the general election, and instead pledged to concentrate on laying
out a positive vision for change, that optimistic leader might help
energize the cynical and disillusioned segments of media and the masses.
It’s even possible that such a candidacy could serve to mobilize some
of the 100 million(!) eligible voters who declined to take part in the
substantive, dramatic, but ultimately dispiriting election of 2012.